|
Sri Lanka's 57th independence anniversary last Friday was
commemorated on a solemn note, the result of the colossal
death and destruction caused by the tsunami catastrophe. Yet
the occasion created history in military terms.
For the past 56 years, during independence commemoration
ceremonies, it was the Commander of the Army who stood to the
right of the Commander-in-Chief when he or she took the salute
at the armed forces parade. During Friday's short 30-minute
march past, however, the Commander of the Navy Vice Admiral
Daya Sandagiri was on the right of President Chandrika
Bandaranaike Kumaratunga.
Being the first Navy officer to become the Chief of Defence
Staff (CDS), the senior most position in the security
establishment, the honour of standing on the right of the
President and Commander-in-Chief fell on him. That indeed was
a historic first to Vice Admiral Sandagiri, now the longest
serving Commander in the Navy's 54-year history.
Just three days ahead of creating such history, most Sri
Lankans are unaware; Vice Admiral Sandagiri placed the City of
Colombo and the immediate suburbs under a red alert - the
maximum state of preparedness to meet a contingency by the
security forces and the Police. One would have thought
security preparations for the low key Independence Day
celebrations meant ensuring the venue, Independence Square and
the city roads leading to it were well protected.
But the move last Monday came after inputs from operatives of
lesser known state intelligence agencies. They reported that
plans were afoot by Tiger guerrillas to attack vital
installations. One such installation identified was the Ceylon
Petroleum Corporation's oil storage complex in Kolonnawa. They
also claimed that guerrillas were conducting reconnaissance on
a number of other vital installations in the city.
On
October 20, 1995 guerrillas attacked this complex. Eleven fuel
storage tanks caught fire. In a gun battle that ensued between
security forces personnel and guerrillas, three policemen, six
soldiers, seven airmen, a civilian and seven guerrillas were
killed.
In
the wake of these intelligence warnings, the Joint Operations
Headquarters (JOH), the unified apparatus of the tri services
and the police, which Vice Admiral Sandagiri commands, sent
out instructions to the Overall Command, Colombo (OCC) about
this red alert. The OCC headed by Brigadier P. Chandrawansa is
responsible for security of the city and immediate suburbs.
An
official of the Joint Operations Headquarters defended Vice
Admiral Sandagiri's action. He said the red alert was a
preventive measure based on intelligence warnings since "we
wanted to make sure nothing went wrong." He added that stand
down orders followed no sooner it was felt there was no more
need for it. Perhaps the course of action the CDS took was a
logical one.
But there is another side to this episode. That is the
question of whether reports of possible attacks were based on
any credible information. As for reports of reconnaissance of
vital installations in the city, it is no secret the
guerrillas have been carrying them out throughout the period
of the ceasefire. Some of them who engaged in the exercise
were arrested whilst others went scot free. That is an ongoing
process by the Tiger querrillas to identify targets should
fighting resume.
One need hardly be privy to classified or intelligence
information to discern that guerrillas planned any attacks in
the city during Independence Day ceremonies, or for that
matter, on any other day without any cause or excuse for
provocation. The fact that they will not do so now is common
sense.
The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) is a signatory to
the Ceasefire Agreement with the Government of Sri Lanka.
Since February 22, 2002 when it was signed, neither the
guerrillas nor the security forces have mounted unprovoked
attacks that would have triggered off Eelam War Four. This is
not to say there have been no incidents but both sides have
had their own reasons for them. However, they did not reach a
flashpoint to provoke a war.
The fact that such basic fundamental matters are lost on
operatives of lesser-known sections of the country's
intelligence community is sad enough. Much worse is the fact
that the political leadership of the UPFA and the bloated,
self acclaimed wizards of military strategy and tactics at the
Ministry of Defence are profoundly oblivious to these
realities. The latter have been major shareholders in some of
the country's worst military debacles that led to large human
and material losses. They were also proven failures in
political tasks assigned to them. Both have been taken for a
ride on every occasion.
More recently, it began with reports of parting of the ways
between LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran and his confidant
Thillayampalam Sivanesan, better known as Soosai. He is the
"Overall Commander" of Sea Tigers, the ocean-going arm of the
LTTE. It was claimed he fled from Wanni to Singapore after a
quarrel with Mr. Prabhakaran. One official account also
claimed he had gone to Norway.
In
reality, he flew to Singapore with the help of the Norwegian
Government, for medical treatment for a shoulder injury he
sustained in 1989 in Nithiyakulam in the Wanni. That was
during an ambush by the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF).
Shifting shrapnel embedded near his shoulder had caused pain
around his neck. (Situation Report - October 24 2004).
In
Singapore, he was forced to remain in a hotel instead of a
hospital due to heavy pressure from intelligence authorities
there. Men from the Special Branch in Singapore were assigned
to watch Soosai throughout his stay. They made sure he went
for consultations with medical specialists, obtained treatment
and hurried back to Sri Lanka. (Situation Report - November
21, 2004).
In
view of official claims by the Government that he did not go
for medical treatment to Singapore, Norway's Ambassador to Sri
Lanka Hans Brattskar met Jayantha Dhanapala, Secretary General
of the Peace Secretariat, to formally clarify the position.
The Sunday Times learnt Mr. Brattskar told Dr. Dhanapala that
the Government of Norway had made available to him a
comprehensive report that proved beyond doubt that Soosai was
in Singapore for treatment. It had contained medical evidence
and other documentation. A Peace Secretariat source said
yesterday "the report was not called for by the Secretary
General and nor was it handed over."
After a five-day stay in Singapore and under pressure from
intelligence authorities there, Soosai arrived in Colombo on
October 24, last year. He stayed the night at the Airport
Garden Hotel. It can now be revealed that former Defence
Secretary Cyril Herath tasked then Chief of Staff of the Army,
Major General Chula Seneviratne, to meet Soosai at this hotel
that night. The meeting took place. Maj. Gen. Seneviratne has
since retired. He is now the Chief of National Intelligence (CNI),
a new position where he heads the country's intelligence
community.
And now, soon after the tsunami disaster, Mr. Prabhakaran
placed Soosai in charge of relief and rehabilitation efforts
along the Mullaitivu coast, the worst hit after the Ampara
district. Ever heard of someone who reportedly "betrayed" Mr.
Prabhakaran by going his own way being taken into confidence
again and vested with greater responsibility? Has this ever
happened in the LTTE? The answer is a firm "no".
Another example is the reported death of Mr. Prabhakaran,
again a story floated around by the very same operatives of a
lesser-known state intelligence arm. Some in the higher
echelons of the UPFA Government believed his body was washed
ashore after the tsunami disaster. Though Mr. Prabhakaran
appeared on January 23 to shake hands with Norwegian Foreign
Minister Jan Petersen and party, before the glare of local and
foreign media, there are still a few who disbelieve it. To
them, it was another person who resembled Mr. Prabhakaran who
had met the Norwegian peace facilitators.
One cannot blame those outside the Government for being
gullible about the reported death of Mr. Prabhakaran. But, for
those in the Government, it is unforgivable. The resources
available with the State would have given them strong
indications if such an event had taken place. For example,
intercepts of guerrilla radio communications would have shown
increased traffic and unusual activity. Similarly, diplomatic
channels in Colombo, UN agencies operating in the Wanni and
even the Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) would have
picked up indications. All this was lost on the gullible who
wished to believe what they were told.
For them and the smaller sections of the state intelligence
community and their operatives, one disconcerting fact remains
starkly clear. After a near two decades of war, they do not
know their enemy, the LTTE. It is with that ignorant bliss
that they regularly underestimate the Tiger guerrillas and
chalk out security responses. That such a comedy of errors
continues with little or no direction and even control from
those who matter, one need hardly say, does not serve the
national interest. More so if one takes into consideration the
deeply disturbing events in the recent weeks.
The Sunday Times (Situation Report - December 12 2004)
revealed exclusively the existence of a newly constructed LTTE
airstrip in Kilinochchi. This report was accompanied by a
satellite image of the runway. Thereafter, The Sunday Times
(Situation Report - January 16) also exclusively revealed how
an Israeli built Searcher Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV)
spotted two aircraft on the ground in the new airstrip. Later,
when printed photos obtained from the UAV video, shown to
President Kumaratunga during a meeting of the National
Security Council prompted her to remark that she had been hit
by a second tsunami. (Situation Report - January 23, 2005).
Last Monday, Defence Secretary retired Major General Asoka
Jayawardena raised issue over the presence of aircraft with
Chief of Staff of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM),
Wagn Winkel. The head of the SLMM retired Norwegian Major
General Trond Furuhovde, the SLMM said last week, has
undergone surgery at the Apollo Hospital in Colombo for
cancer. I wish Maj. Gen. (retd.) Furuhovde a speedy recovery.
Taking part in the dialogue with SLMM officials last Monday
were Vice Admiral Sandagiri, Chief of Defence Staff, Army
Commander, Lt. Gen. Shantha Kottegoda, Air Force Commander Air
Marshal Donald Perera and Major General (retd.) Jayantha
Ranaweera, Military Liaison Officer in the Ministry of
Defence.
Yesterday, Norway's Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Mr Brattskar and
Mr Winkel flew to Kilinochchi for a meeting with LTTE leaders.
They are expected to apprise the guerrilla leaders of the
concerns expressed by the Government.
But just two days after the Government raised issue with the
SLMM, there was more disturbing news. An Israeli built
Searcher UAV on a mission over the Wanni on Thursday night
videoed an aircraft touching down in the newly built airstrip.
This was not only confirmation that the LTTE possessed
aircraft. It also dispelled doubts entertained by some
sections of the Air Force that the aircraft spotted on the
ground by the UAV were nothing but dummies. Here was proof
that the LTTE had without doubt acquired air capability. That
gives them the advantage of a “first strike capability” if
hostilities break out.
Adding to these concerns were initial reports that the
aircraft was either a Swiss built Pilatus PC-7 or PC-9
aircraft. "We strongly believe it could be a Pilatus PC-7. All
indications and the information we have received point to
that," a highly placed source told The Sunday Times. The
source spoke on grounds of anonymity.
The Pilatus PC-7 is a Turbo Trainer aircraft. Since 1978 when
production began, close to 500 aircraft have been sold. The
majority are still in service today. The aircraft's capability
to cover all aspects of basic training including aerobatics,
instrument, tactical and night flying, has convinced air
forces of a number of countries to select the PC-7 to train
professional military pilots. They include the air force in
Angola, Austria, Bolivia, Bophuthatswana, Botswana, Brunei,
Chad, Chile, France, Guatemala, Iran, Malaysia, Mexico,
Myanmar, the Netherlands, South Africa, Suriname, Switzerland,
United Arab Emirates and Uruguay.
The Sunday Times today publishes photographs obtained by the
UAV showing the LTTE aircraft on the ground on their newly
built airstrip in Iranamadu, Kilinochchi. Also published on
this page is a photograph of the Pilatus PC-7 aircraft that is
manufactured in Switzerland.
Though a trainer aircraft, the Pilatus PC-7 has hard points
under the wing to carry gun pods, rocket pods or bombs. They
could be fired from inside the cockpit. In fact, this was one
of the aircraft considered for procurement by the Air Force
years ago. Instead they opted for Brazilian built Siai
Marchetti which had an under sling load of 150 kilogrammes.
They also procured the Chinese built F-7 interceptor jets
usually meant for air to air roles. However, the F-7s were
modified for the Air Force to carry out air to ground combat
roles with an under sling load of 1,000 kilogrammes.
The Pilatus PC-7, powered by a Canadian built Pratt & Whitney
turboprop engine can carry a maximum ordinance load of 1040
kilogrammes - larger than the load of Siai Marchettis or the
F-7s. Its maximum take off weight is 2,700 kilogrammes and
maximum landing weight is 2,565 kilogrammes.
Meant for a crew of two, the Pilatus PC-7 has a range of 1,200
kilometres without drop tanks. The ferry range with drop tanks
is 2,630 kilometres. Its maximum endurance is four hours and
forty minutes. Though the LTTE's newly built runway is 1,250
metres, the takeoff run of Pilatus PC-7 at maximum is 780
metres. The landing run is 505 metres at maximum.
The use of a massive load of explosives by this aircraft
attempting to attack a target could be fatal. Any bomb, on an
average, carries at least the third of its components in the
form of explosives. With a capability to carry an ordinance
load of 1,040 kilogrammes, the consequences of such an attack
could be unimaginable. This is in marked contrast to some 50
kilogrammes of explosives used in the the LTTE attack on the
Central Bank building on January 31, 1996.
Eighty six civilians and a policeman were killed in this
incident. All buildings on either side of Janadipathi Mawatha
near the Central Bank, including Ceylinco House, American
Express, ABN Bank, Sri Lankan Airlines were among those
damaged.
It
has now come to light that the LTTE had engaged in hectic
preparations before establishing its air wing and thereafter
acquiring an air capability. Early last year, posters calling
for recruits to the new air wing had been placed at strategic
points in the Wanni.
Even before that, some pilots and crew had been trained in
flying schools abroad. The trainees had posed off as amateur
flyers. At least two pilots and five crew members were among
those who had been killed when the Sri Lanka Navy sank an LTTE
trawler in the North Eastern high seas on March 10, 2003. The
trawler was suspected to be inducting weapons through the
North-East coast. (Situation Report - March 16, 2003).
This development, all during a ceasefire that turns three
years in the next 16 days, is no doubt worrying. One can only
hope the mandarins in Sri Lanka's defence establishment spent
more time on evolving effective counter measures. That is by
taking at least some time off from vigorously pursuing their
efforts to hunt down sources for The Sunday Times stories or
chasing Black Label Scotch whisky. Otherwise they would once
again badly let down a nation looking forward to their
protection for their well being. History is replete with many
examples. One only hopes it does not repeat itself betraying
an entire nation once more.
|
